CURRENT STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN NIGERIA

Although participation in “bourgeois politics”—as we have a tendency to accustomed decision electoral politics—has ne'er been absent from the Nigerian Left’s general programme, it's conjointly not been created a “categorical imperative”. I am, however, currently persuaded that it's become typically accepted within the ranks of latest Nigerian Leftists that intervention and participation within the country’s electoral struggle—for workplace or for power, as AN organized political force and in alliance or acting separately—have become each categorical and pressing. the subsequent notes area unit offered as a light in support of this anticipated revised programme of the Nigerian Left. The Left ought to see the political piece of land a lot of clearly.

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President Muhammadu Buhari addresses the delegation when his Investiture as grand Patron by Nigerian nongovernmental organization Society throughout a courtesy visit command at the room State House in national capital. The contradictions highlighted could assist the Left decide on alliances if that political strategy favorably suggests itself. however the Left ought to, 1st of all, construct a heavy and viable organization and develop a people’s declaration. My notes are going to be bestowed in 3 steps. Step One: Unity and disagreement in Nigeria’s ruling class: A proposition I created in a very recent piece, Movements of Nigeria’s upper crust (June one, 2018), goes like this: “Nigeria’s upper crust is characterised by this duality: On the one hand, as a national upper crust, it's basically united by laissez-faire economy (as dominant mode of production) and capitalist rules and logic (which unite and run the whole economy). On the opposite hand, the category is split by several things: history, places and roles within the economy, primitive/primary accumulation of capital, ethnicity, regionalism, religion, culture, etc.” i'll add that the category is additionally divided—at a secondary level—by variations in education, exposure and private development. it's as a result of the upper crust is united that it's able to enforce, defend and defend its collective interests against the interests of different categories and strata, and be able to shut ranks at essential times once its rule, as category rule, is challenged. we have a tendency to could inspect simply 2 illustrations.

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 Why has the National Assembly, that has been engaged in such a large amount of civil wars, not been able to have interaction in a very serious discussion on its shameful emoluments since the birth of the Fourth Republic? And why has the Federal council or the Presidency not thought of reviewing the “contract system”—knowing full well that it's the most important supply of corruption and state robbery? On the opposite hand, it's as a result of the upper crust is fragmented on the lines indicated above—and different lines—that it's, at intervals its ranks, totally different political parties, factions of political parties, totally different “sociopolitical” and “sociocultural” teams, secret cults and fraternities, insurgent teams, elders’ and thought-leaders’ forums, criminal gangs, mafias, etc, etc. The upper crust of African nation is engaged in 2 concurrent struggles: one external and therefore the different internal. The external struggle is that the struggle against the opposite categories, teams and strata that the upper crust dominates and exploits. the inner struggle is that the vary of battles happening at intervals the category between factions and groupings earlier listed. The president heads 2 fighting forces. He heads the upper crust in its fight against the oppressed; and he heads the hegemonic faction of the upper crust against the opposite factions. If he loses one among the 2 positions, or each positions, he should stay in workplace, however not in power. Step Two: Nature of politics and power struggle: allow us to outline a social formation as a “society or scheme at any level (such as a nation, city, business, university or perhaps a family) with all its complexities (economic, political and ideologic relations) because it is traditionally official.” African nation could be a social formation. And this social formation is termed capitalist not as a result of capitalist relations of production area unit the sole relations within the economy. No. There are often, as in African nation, many pre-capitalist ANd non-capitalist modes of production in an economy selected as capitalist. African nation is termed capitalist not solely as a result of the capitalist mode of production dominates within the economy, however conjointly as a result of the logic and rules of capitalist exploitation govern the administration, replica and development of African nation as a social formation. the most proposition here is that politics is compete and political power struggles area unit waged “holistically” at the extent of the social formation—as totally different from different varieties of struggles (economic, ideologic, cultural, etc), that area unit waged at “sectoral levels”. For instance: a celebration of the {ruling category|upper class|upper crust} doesn't address solely members of its class once cause for votes. It addresses the social formation. Similarly, a revolutionary Socialist Party shouldn't address solely the busy and dealing masses— though these area unit in overwhelming majority. It should address all categories and teams as well as the oppressors and exploiters— as a result of it aspires to rule over and rework society as a whole—for the great of all. The language of politics is so totally different from that of economic struggle. For instance: The language of labour disputes—which settle for the very fact of capitalist ownership—should diverge from the language of disputes over manufactory ownership! equally, the language of earnings struggles ought to diverge from the language of struggles to occupy Aso Rock and verify labour policies! Step Three: Forces in Nigeria’s current power struggle. This third and final step consists of applications of the preceding steps to this political battles. we have a tendency to could 1st inspect the upper crust parties, properly thus known as. They embody, within the main, the All Progressives Congress (APC), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and therefore the new energized African Democratic Congress (ADC). of those 5 political formations, the primary 2 (APC and PDP) area unit nation-wide in spread; they're stronger than the others; and therefore the balance of power at intervals every of them reflects the balance of power at intervals the upper crust as a full. In different words, every of APC and PDP, tho' national, has centres of gravity—like the upper crust itself. APGA is restricted geopolitically by history and current observe. SDP and ADC draw a bead on to be like APC and PDP in politics unfold. From the purpose of read of the Left, the sole concrete distinction between these 5 completely capitalist formations is in their positions on the “national question”, specifically “federalism” and “restructuring”. One specific purpose within the preceding paragraph ought to be raised and underlined. And this is often the very fact that every of APC and PDP—and maybe, SDP and ADC within the future—reflects the unity and disagreement (that is that the contradictions) within the country’s upper crust (as represented in Step One). So, once a specific national political question, love “federalism and restructuring”, is raised, one discovers contradictions in each APC and PDP: whereas some segments in every party say they're flatly committed to that (with details still unclear), others area unit ambivalent. The balance of forces in every of the 2 parties these days isn't a categorical commitment to “true federalism” and “restructuring”. what's the place and role of the Nigerian Left during this survey of political forces? area unit they tangential to the facility struggle? area unit they external to it? In response we have a tendency to could paraphrase a passage from Leon Trotsky’s History of the Russian Revolution (1932). It goes like this: “Without a guiding organization, the energy of the plenty would dissipate like steam not basined in a very pistonbox. even so, what moves things isn't the piston or the box, however the steam”. In its 75-year history, the Nigerian Left has had tremendous impact not solely among the operating and busy plenty and therefore the “wretched of the earth”, however across the social formation and within the country’s political method. however that impact has been dissipated like steam not basined in a very pistonbox!